Life[ edit ] Letter from Eustace Mullins to J. His father was a salesman in a retail clothing store. Pound was at the time incarcerated in St. Mullins visited the poet frequently, and for a time acted as his secretary. Later, he wrote a biography, This Difficult Individual Ezra Pound , which literary critic Ira Nadel describes as "prejudiced and often melodramatic".
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Pound had merely done what he had always done—spoken his mind. Unfortunately for Pound, however, he had made the error of criticizing the American government in a series of broadcasts from Italy during World War II. For that he was made to pay the price. Was Pound a traitor—or a prophet? Read his words and judge for yourself.
However, as noted by Robert H. If Pound was not always totally accepted, at least he was unavoidably there. Thus, for the first time ever—for a popular audience—here is what Pound really had to say, not what his critics claim he said. When he was broadcasting from Italy during wartime, Pound evidently pondered the possibility of one day compiling transcriptions of his broadcasts or at least expected—quite correctly—that one day the transcripts would be compiled by someone else. He hoped the broadcasts would show a consistent thread once they were committed to print.
Pound recognized relaying such a massive amount of information about so many seemingly unrelated subjects might be confusing listeners less widely read than he. However, the poet also had very firm ideas about the need of his listeners to be able to synthesize the broad range of material that appeared in his colorful lectures. Pound was sure his remarks on radio were not seditious, but were strictly informational and dedicated to traditional principles of Americanism—including the Constitution, in particular.
The facts. And even my own observations date largely before the opening of the present hostilities. If anybody can find anything hostile to the Constitution of the U.
It may be bizarre, eccentric, quaint, old-fashioned of me to refer to that document, but I wish more Americans would at least read it. It is not light and easy reading but it contains several points of interest, whereby some of our present officials could, if they but would, profit greatly.
Do you like Mr. Litvinov and his gang, and all he stands for? And no man who had any part in helping [Franklin] Delano Roosevelt get the United States into [the war] has enough sense to win anything. The men who wintered at Valley Forge did not suffer those months of intense cold and hunger in the hope that.
The determination to govern ourselves internally, better than any other nation on earth. The idea of Washington, Jefferson, Monroe, to keep out of foreign shindies. I dare say he deserves worse, but. He may have been misguided, but in general he spent his time fighting superior forces at considerable risk to himself. I therefore object to the modus in which the American troops obey their high commander.
This modus is not in the spirit of Washington or of Stephen Decatur. Wars, he said, were destructive to nation-states, but profitable for the special interests. Pound said international bankers—Jewish bankers, in particular—were those who were the primary beneficiaries of the profits of from war.
He pulled no punches when he declared: Sometime the Anglo-Saxon may awaken to the fact that. And no more flaming and flagrant case appears in history than our own American Civil War, said to be an occidental record for size of armies employed and only surpassed by the more recent triumphs of [the Warburg banking family:] the wars of and the present one.
It is fetid and foul logomachy to call such servitude freedom. Yes, freedom from all sorts of debt, including debt at usurious interest. It is an internal peril to him who hath, and it can make no use of nations in the play of international diplomacy save to breed strife between them and use the worst as flails against the best.
The game is not pretty, it is not a very safe game. It does no one any credit. It is not a unique result of the infamous Versailles Treaty.
It is impossible to understand it without knowing at least a few precedent historic events, which mark the cycle of combat. No man can understand it without knowing at least a few facts and their chronological sequence.
This war is part of the age-old struggle between the usurer and the rest of mankind: between the usurer and peasant, the usurer and producer, and finally between the usurer and the merchant, between usurocracy and the mercantilist system.
Half a century later, the London usurocracy shut down on the issue of paper money by the Pennsylvania colony, A. This is not usually given prominence in the U.
The 13 colonies rebelled, quite successfully, 26 years later, A. That is the interest—gold, usury, debt, monopoly, class interest, and possibly gross indifference and contempt for humanity. Gold is not the backbone of nations. It is their ruin. A coward, at the first breath of danger gold flows away, gold flows out of the country. Deliver so many carloads of human material at the consumption point.
That is the logical result of materialism. If you assert that men are dirty, that humanity is merely material, that is where you come out.
And the old Georgian train robber [Josef Stalin—ed. If all things are merely material, man is material—and the system of anti-man treats man as matter.
It is sub-national. A quicksand under the nations, destroying all nations, destroying all law and government, destroying the nations, one at a time, Russian empire and Austria, 20 years past, France yesterday, England today. He is fighting for the gold standard and monopoly.
Namely the power to starve the whole of mankind, and make it pay through the nose before it can eat the fruit of its own labor. You are threatened by the Russian methods of administration. Those methods [are not] your sole danger. It is, in fact, so far from being your sole danger that I have, in over two years of talk over this radio, possibly never referred to it before. Usury has gnawed into England since the days of Elizabeth.
Then there were attacks on the common land, filchings of village common pasture. And this will be presented under a camouflage of national slogans. It will be represented as an American victory. It will not be an American victory. The moment is serious. The moment is also confusing. It is confusing because there are two sets of concurrent phenomena, namely, those connected with fighting this war, and those which sow seeds for the next one.
The United States has been led down the garden path, and may be down under the daisies. All through shutting out news.